Revolutionary Age Vol I #12 January 4, 1919

The Revolutionary Age

A Chromcle and Interpretation of Events in Europe

_

"V^LlTNo- 12

J&turday, January 4, 1919

Price 3 Cents

THE birth of the year 1919 finds the world on
the threshold of a new era. Out of the chaos
of international war, national ambitions, com-
mercial rivalries and diplomatic trickery is gradually
emerging the real struggle— the war of' the classes.
Since the cessation of hostilities it is becoming gradu-
ally clearer that there are but two nations in the world,
the working class nation and the capitalist nation.
And between these two the battle line is flung.

Already two great countries have thrown aside the
pretense of peace 'between the classes, and
in one of these, Russia, the workers are
definitely in the ascendency, while in the
other, Germany, the struggle is raging for
the conquest of power, the proletariat
slowly gaining the upperhand. Through-
out the rest of the world reaction is, for
the moment, holding sway. Flushed with
the visionary triumph of victory in the in
temational war, the workers of the Al-
lied nations have paused in the fight, and
capitalism is endeavoring to prolong the
pause sufficiently to re-entrench itself,
while at the same time preparing to crush
the Russian workers and to uphold reac-
tion in Germany.

Because of this very pause, because re-
action is now riding the crest of the
wave, Capitalism is becoming increas-
ingly arrogant, is forgetting to be care-
ful and is revealing its sinister designs.
Frightened into caution by events in
Russia, Capitalism made haste slowly at
first and then forgot its danger suffi-
ciently to openly aim at the destruction
of the Russian workers, only to again re-
ceive a shock by the developments in
Germany, but, reassured by the inaction
of the workers of the Allied countries
and s Purred on by the necessity of its
inherent greed, Capitalism is again for-
cing its danger and is riding for a fall.

Hie voices of the more farsighted of the
capitalists are gradually being silenced
? nd drunk w ith its own success Capital-
1SI " ls throwing discretion to the world.
But the broad masses of Russia and

'erniany have felt the pulse of life in

ti eir veins - have glimpsed the possibili-

th " °* future and having overcome

b eir mitial fear of action, are gather-
,ovv er and momentum with amazing
The revolutionary instinct of

The Struggle of the New Year

tries unite, you have nothing to loose but your chains
you have a world to gain," sounded by Karl Marx
Halt a century ago and since then voiced by Socialist
propagandists in every country of the world, is now

thundered from two hundred million throats

^ The year just gone saw the spread of this wateh-crv
trom Russia to Germany, and in that year the thunder
of the guns, the cries of the wounded, the groans of
the dying and the weeping of the forsaken dulled the
strength of Russia's voice. But in the year just born

rapidity
the

la - Je ° ple havin g found expression at

b S Is keeping all before it, and is forc-

re g , . ca P>talists into open war. The

v ohitionary cry, -'Workers of all coun-

KcltL Marx

the noise of international war is deadened, the tri-
umphant cries of victory- will soon be silenced, and then
the voices of the advancing proletariat will be heard
in many lands.

Every day brings the real issue into bolder relief.
Capitalism has no choice, it must combat the advancing
workers ; but it can only combat them with other work-
ers and the watch-cry is infectious. Only by obscuring
the real issue can Capitalism hope to be successful.
But the nature of the struggle that is at present devel-
oping tends to reveal, rather than ob-
scure the issue. No longer can the work-
ers be successfully rallied to battle
against their brothers by the fear of a
dread imperialism. The German and
Russian workers have killed their im-
perialism and it is only in the Allied
countries that Capitalism holds sway.
But in the Allied countries the workers
have been fighting and dying side by
side, and any war that may develop be-
tween these countries can not rally the
workers to the suoport of their various
governments as did the last war.

On the fields of battle, on the grey
stretches of the ocean, in the mills, mines
and factories, and in the homes of the
workers the dread import of internation-
al war has been realized. While the
fight was actually in progress, the
»vti>inds were obscured, the grie ; was
'idden/the hysteria of war kept the na-
tions keyed up, but with the end of the
fig-htins: the workers are beginning to re-
alize the enormity of the sacrifice and
pre beginning to balance it with the
^ains accruing from victor}'.

When the emptiness of victory is re-
vealed, then the class struggle will 'flare
t'p in the Allied countries. The old an-
tagonisms of nation against nation will
disappear and in their places will de-
velop the antagonism of the class war.
The year 1919, although it has been is-
sued in to the ringing of bells proclaim-
ing "peace on earth, good will to men,"
will not be a peaceful year. It will be a
year fraught with perils, a year more
momentous than any ever witnessed in
the history of mankind, and although its
days will be stained with blood, the blood
of brothers shed by brothers, though it
may not, in itself, be a happy year, yet
the historic watch-cry of the workers,
swelling loud and strong, foretells that
1919 is a year pregnant with happiness
for the workers of the world.

Arise, ye prisoners of starvation!

Arise, ye wretched of the earth.
Vo r justice thunders condemnation.

A better world's in birth.
No more tradition's chains shall bind ^ its.

Arise, ye slaves! no more in thrall'
The earth shall rise on new foundations

U\- have been naught, we shall be all.

The International

Chorus

T*F the final conflict.

Let each stand in his place.
The International Party

Shall be the human race.

Wc want no condescending saviors,
To rule us from a judgment hall.

II 'e workers ask r.ot for their favors;
Let us consult for all.

To make the thief disgorge his booty,
spirit from its cell.

He must ourselves decide our duty.
We must decide and do it well.

THE UK VOLUTION A Ft Y AGE

Saturday, January t,

1 9 10

The Revolutionary Age

A Chronicle and Interpretation of Event! in Europe,

if the people have not yet cot '"■ only one reason for mr-

Louis C. Fraina Editor

EADMONN MacAi.pink Associate Editor

Contributing Editors
Scott Neamng Ludwk; Lore

John Reed Sen Katayama

N. I. Hourwich G. Weinstein

ISSUED EVERY SATURDAY
By Local Boston, Socialist Party

H. G. Sleiner, Business Manager
885 Washington St., Boston, Mass,

Saturday, January 4, t9i9

French Syndicalism

f\N another page we publish the program of the
*"* French Syndicalists. It is a program of petty
bourgeois paltering. It faces none of the real issues
arising out of the war and the march of the Socialist
movement in Russia and Germany. It attempts to
safeguard labor by all sorts and sizes of legislation;
it throws phrases about like a liberal politician; it ap-
proaches the vita] questions of the hour, makes a bow
and then veers olT again, leaving them as it found
them.

After fighting for democracy, the best the French
Syndicalist movement, the one-time red, revolution-
ary terror of the moderate Socialists, can do is sol-
emnly meet through its Federal Committee and de-
mand the eight-hour day, a living wage, compulsory
education and old are pensions. No wonder the capi-
talists tremble in their shoes! No wonder the "Tiger"
of France boldly declares his program of reaction !

All through its wordy pronouncement we find not
one word that would give an inkling that any of the
representatives of French Labor ever heard of Capi-
talism. On every issue it discusses it declares lor co-
operation between the workers and their masters. It
presupposes that the French soldier returning from
the suffering of the battlefied is worth nothing more
than a life of eight hours daily toil in the mine, fac-
tory and the field for the benefit of the few who own
industry, that his child shall be entitled to go to school
until the age of fourteen and that it shall go to the
factory when its brain is just reaching the best stage
of development, that his womenkind shall work in
the factory by day, but, in deference to his having won
democracy, they will be prohibited from swelling the
profits o the capitalists at night also!

The high cost of living shall be reduced, so that the
French workers may not starve to death, sick benefits
must be paid him when he falls a victim to some hor-
rible disease contracted that his masters may live in
luxury, old age pensions shall be dangled before his
eyes, though he will never suffer long enough to re-
ceive them, and if through the graciousness of French
imperialism a brother worker from another country
shall be permitted to increase the wealth of the French
capitalists, why that fortunate member of the human
race will also work eight hours a day, get enough to
live on, and be allowed to long for an old age pension !
It is an admirable program for the capitalists and
they are indeed foolish and lacking in foresight if
they do not immediately institute it all oyer the world.
The French syndicalists are indeed the friends of their
masters and they use their knowledge of the workers
to the best interests of those masters. We wait with
interest that day when they will be rewarded for their

good offices.

The Situation in Ireland

^yilATKVkk else may be left in doubt by the re-
sult of the recent elections in Ireland, one tiling
standi out clearly! the Irish people by an overwhelm-
ing majority i,ave declared for independence. The
election was fought primarily on the issue of self-
determination, t1 lr Irish Labor Party vvithdrawiiv,
their candidates at the eleventh hour in order to let

the people declare themselves squarely on the .pus

titon, Irish Labor stands for a republic, not merely
for politic;,! Independence, but for a Workers 1 Repub-
lic, and as in Ireland, as is unfortunately the ease at
"'t present moment in the majority of the nations 01

■■■■■>',' tfaaj

the world, a large ICCtion 01 me people nave uui yet can ;>c oniy one reason lor mie;

arrived at the stage where they are ready to embrace government menaces the rate of 1 •

the real solution of the problems that trouble man where; it ii the }<■■' .ouiii* ation of the ru .-, ; .\
kind, the labor party withdrew from the fight in order workers. Are the peoples of the world

that the peopli might declare themselves 0:1 tin- que-.
tion of political independence. Seventy per cent, oi

lb* voters have decided in favor of a republic.

Having been given Mich a clear mandate by the
people u was only logical that the Sinn Fein party

their brothers in Russia ihould '-•
they stand for tint emancipation of <:

heritor!? Are the common pCO]
selves to be made the tools of the

Since it has become clear that the Atlii

mould imrned atcly translate that mandate into action wanted by the majority of th. ,.,^ ^

and call into bemg the republic created in Faster tne fal1 of l,,t * German autocracy it ii plain

Week, r9l6, The men who will assemble in Dub- Bolsheviki are not pro-Kaiser, and nev

llil as the representatives of the new republic have a to 1je manufactured to explain the presence of fore ;( m

tremendous task ahead of them, but, as McDonough troo P s - The P rcss ha ^ started to wag.- a

said in his speech to the English court-martial after <jf misrepresentation in order to strengthen the inter-

he had been sentenced to death, "There is always a ventionists: ** n «W develops that the .-.

chance for brave men who challenge fortune." mised t0 aid the Czechoslovaks, that ttti

If these 72 men and one woman, with the example bee " forthconiin £ and as a result the poor

Of Russia and Germany before them, are gifted with Slovaks are in »m mi »ent danger of destruction, that

sufficient clearness of vision to sec that the day of the they are tryin * t0 pet 0Ut of Russia but are enable to

workers has already dawned, and have the courage m ° Ve U " !eSS the AUiCS help thCm and that

to act accordingly, then they will rally round fheni,
not oidy the workers of the east, south and west, but
also the victims of the sweatshops and factories of
the industrialized north-cast of Ulster and banish
for all time the religious bigotry, based on lies and
misunderstandings, that have kept asunder the work-
ers of Ulster from their brothers in the rest of Ire-
land. Jim Larkin, with not one-tenth of the oppor-
tunity, united the two sections in the great industrial
battle of Belfast in 1937 and on that foundation can
be raised the structure of Irish working class unity.

Hut there is a still greater opportunity lying before
the Sinn Feiners, if (hey adopt a fearless policy and
institute the rule of the workers in Ireland they can
swinjr behind them the broad masses of the industrial
proletariat of England, Scotland and Wales and once
this is accomplished the English
erless.

If. however, they adopt a pokey of petty bourgeois
republicanism, if they waste their efforts on reforms,
il they pander to the property owners, the industrial
masters, the shim landlords, the small landowners then
they will fail and the struggle will continue until
such time as either the Insh or British workers awake
to the realties of the situation and, freeing them-
selves, help free the world.

must fulfill their promise to these poor people

This story is in line with all the stories that the
bourgeois press has given to the people of the Allied
countries. The Russians are and have been all along
desirous that the Czecho-Slovaks leave Russia. The
Soviet government has no desire to wage war on the
Czecho-Slovaks, they have offered to allow them to
depart in peace many *imes, but the Czecho-Slovaks
have allowed themselves to be made the backbone of
th rt counter-revolution. They fought against the Rus-
sians but if they wish to they may depart to their
own country. Why don't they go? Why don't all the
foreign troops leave Russia? Russia wants to be left
in peace. The workers of the Allied countries have
no nuarrel with the Russians. But alien troops are
still in Archangel and Vladivostok. . . .

government is pow-

The' British Elections

'T'HE result of the British elections is a clear victory
for reaction, Disguise it under what sophistry it
may, the British Labor Party was soundly thrashed.
Lloyd-George supported by a tremendous tory ma-
joritv has swept the country and the landed gentry
and the industrial barons ar.? in the saddle as a result
of the recent victory for democracy. All the so-called
leaders of the British working class went down to ig-
nominious defeat. Arthur Henderson, the idol of the
liberal bourgeoisie of the Allied countries, was beaten
and the British Labor Partv is left teaderless v ^
announcement, more or less unofficial, qu jth, who declared war, also met defeat, and the of-
ficial Liberal Party, that raised Lloyd-George to promi-
nence, is leaderless, Even the coalition Liberals will
have to eat humble pie ; onlv the tories. the arisl
of the aristocrats, have gained a victor) and Uoyd-
CiPorire must henceforth toe the mark, even in Utter-
ance, as he has so long toed it in action.

The result is a clear mandate for the crushing 01
Germany, the invasion of Russia and the stifli
Ireland. The Khaki election of the Boer war days
was a liberal victory in comparison with the recent
balloting, But the result is not so discourafctn* «*
would appear nt first sight The election of 8 I
parliament, with a Strong Labor niinorin would haVC

been a safety valve for the unrest that will develop in
England as unemployment increases, waxes drop a,ul
hours lengthen. Reaction is the scion of \ (CtOfJ ■ lu!t
revolution is the daughter oi defeat. And the den
of the British workers is not yet apparent, but i

They Are Still There!

y\FTER the ,i

thai the Allies would not send any more troops
to Russia, the movement of French troops was re-
ported near Odessa, and the British fleet, after bomb-
arding the coast of the Baltic Provinces, landed
troops in Riga.

immediately upon the result of the British elections
becoming known France announces her intentions of
continuing the offensive against Russia. None of the
allied countries have declared war on Russia, yet from
all sides the troops of the Great Powers war on the
people of Russia. From all sides they advance on the
Soviet Republic of the workers and the people of the
allied countries know nothing of their movements ex
cept from vague reports in the newspapers.

Are these people who fought to make the world
safe for democracy not to have any voice in what their
governments are doing in Russia? The common peo-
ple of the world have no cause to fight with Russia;
she is not menacing any country; she desires to send
no armies into foreign territory to bring destitution in
men- wake. She is not looking fur "a place in the sun";
she merely wishes to conduct her own affairs after
the manner of the wishes „f th

people

There can be no question that the Russian people,
M a whole, are overwhelmingly behind the Soviets.'
Ihe UQlshevlki have remained m power over a vear m

the face of tremendous opposition, both from within
and without, Counter-revolution has employed every
weapon it is capable bi using against the government
ol the workers, foreign troops have supported Cxar-
Istic and reactionary dictators, but still the Russian
workers support the Soviets, support them with their
hves n |g absurd to suppose that the presence of the

Allies in Russia is for the benefit of Russia. There

he majority of In

it wifl

lop much more clearly under the present cointi-
tions than if the liberals had succeeded thi
will become sharper as a result oi the election I >v "
1 iCOrge and the tories have been swept into power DO l
false conception of the situation, and when the iUM

sions of victory have passed the reaction ^^ - ,ul ' 1 ^
farther to the left as a result oi the torv aSCendenCJ

There is. however, another aspect ol the quest*
The fact that none of the liberal l.dw leaders
Henderson type were successful merelv show
the attempt to hold the middle of the road is fttH»

None of the so-called strong men oi Britain adopted

a fearless po! K -\ They were continually cOfUp* ^
fog with both sides. Declaring for labor mu\ acquiC*C<

ing with the government that was i.ohiie. the '*'•"'
less advocates of labors cause, declaring tor the in-
ternational and at the same time lefusuic, to accept

the

that

g.tairday 1 J M >uar y 4, 1919

1 weal actions of internationalists, supporting the
Rkhev&i and refusing to make their acts square with
f ' r words. While these men were adopting this
cillating policy their °PP onents were standing
SLty on their program; they were insistent on
T fact that Germany must be crushed ; that she must
!,e\nade to pay to the fullest extent of her capacity;
KL revenge is sweet. . . . And in the first flush of
Victory the country rallies to their policies.
V1 \nd the tories the world over are unable to under-
line! the limitations of their victory. Already the
British elections have borne fruit in France. Clemen-
ceatt comes out flatly for a victory of conquest and,
t satisfied with the military defeat of Germany, he
turns his eyes to the conquest of the workers of Rus-
sia. Lloyd-George's hand will also be forced and the
peace conference will reflect the result. Out of the de-
mands that the tories will msist upon as a result of
their victories, the intervention of the proletariat will
develop.

This new government of England will not retain
its present form for any length of time. After the
Boer war election the reaction was swift; after this
war it will be swifter and stronger in proportion as
the sacrifices were heavier. British Socialism must
recognize the fact that it has for the moment faced de-
feat. It is useless to count the vote all over the coun-
try and prove by figures that the election was really
a victory because a few more labor men have been
elected. The labor men in the new parliament will
have no power. The division of the house is not such
as to enable them to influence its acts ; in fact, the
British working class has no voice in the new govern-
ment. Reaction holds sway and indications are not
lacking that it is going to make the most of its ad-
vantage. A big navy is to 'be forced on the people, a
large army will be retained and the offensive against
the Bolsheviki will 'be continued on larger lines.

The retention of the German colonies is assured and
such retention by Britain means the giving of conces-
sions to Italy and France at the expense of some other
peoples. As the revolutionary proletariat of Germany
gains the ascendency the cry will he raised in England
for the suppression of "Bolshevism" and Lloyd-
George will probably be forced to act against Ger_
[°any. All these actions will add to the discontent that
!s gradually becoming apparent among the British
masses. Unrest at home and dissatisfaction with the
attitude of the government abroad, met by a policy of
repression, which is the tories' only answer to the dis-
content of the people, will tend to strengthen the rev-

™ REVOLUTIONARY AGE

3

olutio:

in ary proletariat.

\estern Europe is afire with revolution and when
e ntlsh workers see their real condition it will be
^•pnsmg if some o{ the sparks from the E ur0 pean

will l n0t bUrSt int ° ° pen flame * The Irish sltuation
> also contribute to the general discontent. Tory

dl e e th nm T entS are notorious for their inability to han-

. <■ Insh question, even in the slipshod manner of

Ibe rals, and Ireland is in no mood to be trifled

taking into consideration the recent actions of

Canad "* Australia and the Present temper of the

th ehestrtT° Ple ' lt ' S evident that a11 the artifices of
■ . s hber al statesmen will be necessary to stave off

it 1S f" But the liberal statesmen have just met
obtaini n if Ast l uith and Henderson succeed in

power ng R Seats at a By-election, they will have no
are i n eactlon rules, the tories, booted and spurred,
v etles bet e sad dle, . . . Liberalism no longer inter-
^lion - e ^ Veen the tories and the workers. The revo-

11 ls brewing.

Th e International Socialist

TKEN C ° n § reSS

PatdTf Y ° rk CaU ° f Decem,ber 3 1 carries a dis ~

Ibat " a C , . m lts Pa ris correspondent to the effect

" lgh Ar "crican official" had intimated that

c ' 5l 'st d e i W0Ulcl be g rar »ted to ''American Labor So-

Inttr nati o eR f te , S in 0rder that the >' ma >' attend the
1 Socialist Congress," scheduled to meet

*l

;-au San

What th?' Switzerla '^- on January 6.
&lKre*«» C makeu P of this "International Socialist

° *-aS Will V

All 1S at the moment shrouded in mys-

of the lat a PP e ars to be known about it on this
Atlantic is that Camille Huysmans, the

Belgian social-patriot and pre-war secretary of the
^econd International, has sent a cablegram asking

ga'tes nCan S0CiaHSt Party t0 aPP ° int three dcle "
To put it mildly, it is astonishing that the holding
of this congress should be of such immediate im-
portance as to render it necessary to fix such a date
tor its opening that prevents the members of the So-
cialist part.es of the various countries from electing
heir delegates, or from instructing those delegates as
to what stand they shall take on the various moment-
ous questions now facing humanity. All the more is
this haste astonishing when we remember that dur-
ing the month of July, IOI4 , it was not thought neces _
sary to call the International together. During that
crisis the time was too short !

Since the last Internationalist Socialist Congress
was held many changes have taken place, many men
and women whom the Socialist movement, the world
over, was wont to trust have long since betrayed that
trust. Have these people, who kept silent during the
bloody years since August, 19x4, when the workers,
misled and betrayed, writhed in the agony of inter
national war, suddenly got a message of such import
that they can't wait a month or so longer, until the
membership of the International Socialist movement
voices its desires? Are these men and women going
to meet in the name of Socialism and again betray
the revolutionary proletarian of the world?

Are they suddenly going to attend an International
congress, who a short time ago refused to sit with the
delegates from certain other countries, because, for-
sooth, their particular capitalist masters were at war
with the capitalists of those countries; who, a few
short weeks ago, were denying the existence of the
International? Are these men and women, who be-
trayed the International and practically forced the
workers into the holocaust of fratricidal slaughter,
going to again be allowed to disgrace the name of So-
cialism?

Has Huysmans the insolence to address the move-
ment to which Debs, Lenin, Liebknecht, Trotzky,
Jaures, Merrheim, Connolly, Luxemburg, Roland
Host, Fritz Adler, Larkin, Hardie, MacLean, Laz-
zari and the thousands of martyred, jailed, exiled men
and women have given their lives and their energies?
Are the social-patriots of the various governments,
who have taken office and by their presence in those
governments, sanctioned the invasion of Russia, goin»
to meet in an International Socialist Congress with
the representatives of Russia, are they going to
stretch out their blood-stained hands to the Russian
delegates and call them "comrade"? Or are they, like
the Inter- Allied Labor Conference, going to foist
Kerensky or some other Russian reactionary such as
Mastov or Axelrod on the congress^? Perhaps this
hastily called "International Socialist Congress" is
going to " frame-up" Russia and Germany after the
manner of the English and French "Socialist'' dele-
gations who tried to push Russia back in the war, or
as Schiedemann tried to force Italy in on the side of
Germany.

The Socialist movement has had enough of inter-
national congresses dominated by such as these. No
wonder Huysmans, Vandervelde & Co. call an "In-
ternational Socialist Congress" in such a hurry that
the rank and file of the Socialist movement will have
no voice in the selection of the delegates.

Are these valiant apostles of democracy going to
confer with Scheidemann or are they going to repudi-
ate him ? He was partly responsible for the war, ac-
cording to their own statements ; he is at this very
moment threatening to bring fresh war upon those
workers of Germany who will not forget that they
are Socialists; he acquiesced in the Brest-Litovsk
"peace of violence." ... If they confer with
Scheidemann how are they going to condone his ac-
tions in supporting Imperial Germany, if they art-
going to repudiate him how are they going to explain

' ' '0 im-

picked on the old slate? Does the American Socialist
movement desire to participate in a congress convened
by Huysmans, and of which it knows nothing? The
National Executive Committee of the American So-
cialist Party has been unable to meet since the armis-
tice was signed. Although several branches and lo-
cals have urged the convocation of an emergency con-
vention nothing has been done regarding it, no prepa-
ration has been made for the election of delegates
to attend an International Socialist Conference, nor
has the membership been given an opportunity of say-
ing under what conditions it would agree to partici-
pate in such a conference. It is true that we are com-
mitted to the Zimmerwald International and have
thus, in a limited measure, declared ourselves, and
certainly the St. Louis Majority Report, which is the
last considered expression of the membership, would
not giye any grounds for the supposition that we favor
a yellow International.

The Second International is dead, killed by these
very people who would now resurrect it, and the
Zimmerwald International stands as the only expres-
sion of the movement. Upon the framework of the
Zimmerwald Conference the new international must
be built if the Socialist movement of the world is to
remain true to itself. The only International that can
nde the crest of the wave sweeping over Russia, Ger-
many and on westward is the Red Third International
and Camille Huysmans is not the man to call it.

Bolshevik] abs

J± LL this discussion regarding the future of the Ger-
man colonies seems very strange when we have
heard so much about self-determination. But per-
haps the determination depends on who the particu-

tcry

their own actions in supporting their respectiv
peri&lis.rns ?

Does the International know these people who.

few month

the Internationa

knew not the International? Docs
il Socialist movement desire a congress

lar "self" refers to.

* * *
Still judging by the recent action of the Irish there

appears to be something in this self-determination
after all, although we are sure that LIovd-George will
teel very much annoyed at the translation of his
words into action.

* * *
We would like very much to extend our congratu-

Ut.ons to Mr. Asquith on his defeat. Although the
newspapers have not yet awakened to the fact, Henrv
Herbert is in a very strong position. What with the
Bolshevikr, the Irish, the tories, the coming unem-
ployment m England and the consequent awakening
of the workers to the realization of the truth of the
old proverb, "All is not gold that glitters," Lloyd-
George is in for a very awkward time, to say the very
east And Henry Herbert can always write a letter
o the papers explaining exactly where David made
the mistake and adding a postscript to the effect tha*
of course, one could hardly expect anvthing better
from the present government.

* * *
It is reported that General von LudendorfF has gone

Ateh 7 s been in conference there with ^™-

h,» L , " 0t } ' et heen officia "- v ported, „-,

have the best reasons for believing that Admiral koll
hack has gone to Germany for the purpose of con-
fcmng w,th L.ebknecht The purposes of such con-
ferences are not yet very clear, but it is assumed ,„
-Pons,b,e garters that Lndendorff is™ a pp an
for the posu.on of doorman at the Bolshevik W.
quarters and that in view of the fact that he i^be
possessor of a fine collection of uniforms and d«!
orahons he will i n all probability get the job

* * * "

Samuel Gompers is going to represent American

-™» ™,n and jabbed with bayonets all
"•crclv goes to show ' t ,;;. 0t '" ,' hc m0rnin S- W>ioh

have mfnv live \ jT ' ^ Y* ** **-«*>
«■ J4. Fiction's informant is Prince

7°"., . • aocoums f« the fact that
l "»dy » *■ alive, and although in re-

put in

^hl long and then

L\ort\

the Lite

duced circumsta

THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE

Saturday, January 4, 1919

The Bad Russian Bolsheviki

INDEED, nothing is more frightful in this world
than these Bolsheviki — a bad omen in the night!
For instance, to mention only their chief — 'Lenin.
He is the very image of a beast, an assassin, if we
are to believe the local newspapers and magazines
(and it is said they may, nay, must be believed) . His
exterior may be described thus: collosal in stature,
squinting Chinese eyes, a large belt under which are
always thrust at least a dozen revolvers, in a large
brimmed hat — indeed, a very picture of Villa, perhaps
a trifle more dreadful ! So much for his exterior, and
as to his deeds, things look still worse. As morning-
comes he thrusts a half dozen, and sometimes a full
dozen, bombs into his pockets and goes out in the
street where he starts to throw them at every passerby
and to shoot from the revolvers ! Killing thus about
half a hundred men he returns home and rests till
lunch time ; during the lunch hour he enegages in the
same sort of business and night finds him doing the
same thing- all over again. So it comes to pass that
each day he murders at least a few hundred individu-
als. Is it not dreadful ? This sort of things forms the
subject of the newspapers, and we cannot but to
believe — for they know everything. Such is Lenin,
but the rest of the Bolsheviki are really not much
better. Their only occupation consists in torturing
and killing bankers, factory owners, engineers, artists
and writers. Here is M. Gorki, for an example. He
is indeed a genius, a universally known writer, but
that could not spare him from the Bolsheviki. They
have tortured and beaten him up so much that

finally he could bear it no longer and . . . himself
became a Bolshevik! And he threw in his wife into
the bargain ; she has turned Bolshevik. At the
present moment they work together with Lenin. Poor
Gorki ! He must be now such a frightful sight !

Or, there is Breshkovskaya. . . . The Bolsheviki
several times sent her to the world beyond ! Kind-
hearted folks scribbling in one of the local Russian
papers (A Menshevist paper; hence, also, a quite re-
liable source) shed even a few tears over her death :
"The poor dear old soul was murdered; gone is our
grandmother — a murder, a murder!" — such were the
mourning wails over the dead body. "The Czars
tortured her — the incomparable one — and yet they
could not kill her; the Czar's servants tortured
her, but could not make an end of her. But . . .
came the Bolsheviki and killed her! . . ."

Yes, they killed her — nay, she was several times
killed. Are not the Bolsheviki monsters after that?
Not satisfied with killing her once, killing her sev-
eral times !

And suddenly . . . suddenly news is flashed to the
effect that the "grandmother" is still alive, is, in fact,
on her way to America to her "grandchildren/'
and, sitting in their editorial offices, these "un-
dertakers" grumble: "The idea! An old woman
like her! We have gone to the trouble to hold
a mass over her, furnished the funeral and even de-
livered the funeral orations and written obituary ar-
ticles in honor of her. . . . Well ! She might have

known better! She had better lay quietly under the
earth! But no. . . . Now she gets up and troubles
her own old bones ; why has she elected to resurrect
herself! However, the worst of it is that the deuce
takes her over to America! Really, the old woman
has lost her senses !"

Well, why should we trouble so much about her>
. . . The grandmother, as everybody knows, is an
old woman! But the young ones have been slaugh-
tered by the Bolsheviki. They killed Tereschenko-
Spirodonava was tortured to death, and many, many
others. Oh, murderers!

The other day a correspondent of one of the bie
American bourgeois newspapers warned his readers
thus : "Lenin," he wrote, "is a man of great talents
deep thoughts and a statesman, and we make a big
mistake not reckoning with him. . . ."

There you are ! As for myself I do not tbelieve all
this thing. Why the deuce do they talk about the
Bolsheviki being capable people and all this rot? Why
they — the Bolsheviki — cannot even kill in a proper
manner: today they kill a person, and tomorrow the
murdered one is resurrected and walks abroad the
sinful earth as if nothing had -happened. If the capi-
talist hand will press a little harder and crush our
brother- workmen ! Then, of course, do not expect
any resurrection business! Our capitalists, once they
kill, make a clean job of it. But with the Bolsheviki
it is different. All their victims of today are resur-
rected tomorrow !

The Brotherhood of Sham

THE season of Uriah-Heapy hypocrisy and uni-
versal fakerie is, alas, once more here. The
earth resounds with the glad tidings of the re-birth of
the Christian spirit. And what, pray, are these good
tidings that fill the tremulous air at this high tide of
the year? There be first, good brethren, the exhilarat-
ing Christian narrative of the most bloody war ever
waged by mortal man in which (for the greater glory
of God,no doubt) ten million Christian souls were mur-
dered and twenty million Christian souls were mu-
tilated (for the greater glory of God, no doubt).
There be second, good brethren, the exhilarating
Christian narrative of the occupancy of Governmental
seats of (irresponsible) authority by the most reac-
tionary clique of pompous politicians that ever con-
spired against the destinies and hopes of the common
people.

Never before in the history of Parliamentary insti-
tutions was misrepresented government so powerful-
ly entrenched as in the year of our Christian Lord,
I$l8. There be third, oh fellow Christians, the hair-
raising knowledge that as a consequence of a world
war motivated (as all good Christians believe, no
doubt) by the thrilling ideal of a whole world made
utterly safe for real democracy, we discover strange-
ly that the only forces not represented at the culmi-
nating "Peace" Conference are the forces of Dc-

'p HE Lettish Fedeation of the American So-
cialist Party is a good example of revolutionary
organization, unity and Socialist consistency. In
this respect it can serve as an example, not only for
national federations grouping around the Socialist
Party, but also for the party itself. It can be stated
without exaggeration that the cause of revolutionary
Socialism would have considerably profited in America
had all organizations comprising the S. P. acted as
the Lithuanian organizations.

_ The round number of the membership of the Let-
tish Federation is about 2,000 and almost all
Of them are consistent Bolsheviki adherents of the
Russian Soviet government and fully conscious In
the American Socialist Party they comprise the core
of trie left wing. The Lettish Menshevism is a quan-
tity not to be reckoned with. The organ of the Let-

By Samuel Smalhausen

mocracy, Laborism, Socialism, Feminism, In-
ternationalism, Sovietism, in sober truth, all the lib-
erating radicalisms of our emerging social democracies
— what of them in this, the most appalling crisis in
the evolution of the modern State? We are piously
exhorted to thank the Christian God for having
brought us peace on earth and good will to man (and
just before Xmas, too). This bloody Peace, stained
with the counter-revolutionary invasion of Russia;
this guilty Peace, stained with the anti-human creed
of the. competing imperialisms: this unclean Peace,
botched by vainglory, sacred-egoism, secret manoeuv-
ering, capitalist collusion— we humbly thank Thee,
oh Christian God, for thy abundant mercies in this
the unforgettable: year of our common undoing. We
thank Thee for having entrusted the Christian Capi-
talist Bourgeoisie with the high pacific task of un-
doing (by the employ of the historically legitimate
Christian methods of blood and iron and steel) the
revolutionary aspirations of the common folk of Fin-
land, the Ukraine, Germany, Russia, Italy. ... No
one who surveys with coldly impartial eye the hab-
itable globe can longer doubt that the dream of Christ
(that enigmatically bellicose pacifist) is illuminating
the Christmas horizon! Behold the Allied occupa-
tion of Siberia; behold the Japanese throttle-grip on
meek unchristian China: behold the tantalizingly dem-

The Lettish Socialists in America

ocratic ambitions of an unchastened "Italy"; behold
the unaccustomed spectacle of east-European
pogroms; behold, oh my Christian brethren, these
blood-red symbols of peace on earth and say not we
owe aught but homage and unconditional soul-sur-
render to the beneficent, all-wise, all-mericful God of
the truth-loving Christians.

Come, little brother, be not downcast. The swell-
ing chorus of the Brotherhoom of Sham fills the
discerning heart with a richer music than heathen
man is attuned to. Let thy wicked heart be straignt-
way purged and thy conscience be made whole and
thy fface be clean uplifted, for the merry yule-tide
is here. The Lord be praised. . . . Truth (as witness
the American newspaper reports on Russia) ; Justice
{ as witness the punishments meted out by gentle Chris-
tian Judges to American-Revolutionary Socialists);
Charity (as witness the reign of profiteering in our
God-fearing land) :— these three, Truth, Justice,
Charity, dwell side by side in our land, the healing
virtues of a civilization founded on force and fraud
and rescued from a bloody oblivion by the sensitive
reverence for their betters, by the superstitious ac-
quiscence in the tyrannical rule of the mighty Feu'-
dalism on the part of the overawed masses. The war
of the nations is well night over. The war of the
classes has well-nicrh begun.

From the "Novy Mir"
tish Mensheviki, "Darba Bals" (The voice of La-
bor" ), ceased to be published and the small group of
Mensheviki formerly with the Lettish Federation lias
begun to dwindle.

Now almost all Lettish Socialists are partisans of the
Third International and the principles of the Commun-
ist Party (Bolsheviki). These principles they try to in-
troduce into the American Socialist Party. In this
case they do not merely limit themselves" to words,
but are doing active work.

It is of interest to learn how the Lettish Bolsheviki
struggled for mastery in the Lettish Socialist move-
ment. Tins struggle was a desperate one. Almost up
to L914 the leaders of the Lettish Socialist organiza-
tions m America stood on the platform of the Ameri-
can Socialist Party, in which revolutionary phrase

lives in perfect harmony with an actual opportunism.
They did not wish to lend their ear to revolutionary
Socialism in the slightest degree. Instead of an un-
compromising struggle with opportunism they ad-
vanced the idea of a co-operation of Bolshevism with
Menshevism, intimating, in fact, that there W3S
not any great difference between the two move-
ments. The arrival in America of the old Let-
tish revolutionary and theoretician. Rosin, with the
active help of his partisans put Bolshevism on a firm
footing in the Lettish organization. Already before
the war our Lettish comrades had the opportunity of
getting acquainted with the principal differences ex-
pressed in the Socialist movement. "Strahdnoeks," the
Organ of the Lettish Federation has become the fight-
ing orga« of revolutionary Marxism and expresses
current affairs from that particular point oi view.

5at arday, January 4, 1919

T

nd oi

IS|S r ° Und B ?! the G — » Revolt

ap;

ui In

; class

ism ,
r, tf

lent develop:

Gem

SS amagor
struggle in parrel
the war, the attitud
le proletarian re vol:
nomic and political
nent of class acti
:tivc and subjective
nan Revolution, whi
olution in Russia,
world.

By Louis C. Fraina

i

Socialism and the War

ism
Rev*

struggle to convert
ion. ^ Majority Sock

ier the stress of the

Sod;
in K

:cclar

n— th<

'untly will
tcrminiW

are the
'he com-

the

f the

;arian rei
\y oi the

K war was a product of Imperialism— of the err
nomic, finanaa political .and territorial antagonism"
and appetites or Imperialism. B "'■

What is Imperialism, its relation to Capitalism an,
Socialism? dUL

rag to the concentration of industry and the ac
fcfna or capital, the development of r .rWi
generally competitive CapitalisnfdeTebps ^S?
cpolis ic Capitalism, As industry concentrat es and
capital becomes monopolistic, three acts emerge n!
industry comes under the domination of finan'ce-ca^'
£33 and tne banks, finance-capital hem- the ?,„ ;♦ P r
industrial capita! with banking capital ; t WOj the nome
market becomes insufficient to absorb the \Z^ )
capital it has become industrialized, and new Sde
vdoped I regions must be acquired and industrahzed ■
three, the terrific accumulations of capital produce/'
asnrpfas capital which is not absorbed hv the mean
or the national economy, and which must b TZ
ported The export" of capital, accordingly, and its
corrective industrial aspects, becomes the n^ve-cen
tre of monopolistic Capitalism and Imperialism; ami
a struggle ensues between each national Capitalism
d Imperialism or control of foreign investment ma"
ke.s and undeveloped territory which can absorb

Z :f S ? pitaI Md means of P-duction o
money and machinery-.

fc^S?' £7-? T S " ° f ****&<*. becomes
S an A ltS J ™ and COntro] remai * "*■
Sn Drorhl C ? ntradlctlons m«erent in this condi-
Scant] ^ LC anta S° nisms ™d war. Lmperial-
a isJ Tin S ' more ? ver ' is the Anal stage of Capi-
DenXr S f Se: that k has become P^asitic, de-

pending upon the exploitation of "backward" peoples,

cc^JkT dev , el °P £d fu % ^e means of production
S£ V"* the Iimitations of the private own-
Drr?it -J u meanS of Production, and that it has
wrif -f . necessit >' ^ f international production, a
ecesaty that implies either the Social Revolution
r/;™ • ? m ' Gr war and the explosive antagonisms
of impenahstic Capitalism. Only Socialism could
but « r ™ u] ?P l y' m S contradictions of Imperialism :
thA 5! Ca P 3taIlsm cannot accept Socialism, it chooses
«* desperate means of war.

noSe " Irn PeriaHsm f the broadening of the eco-
iim : t'i ° P £ ortunit >" of one nation necessarily means
nafan . opportunity of a competing nation ; each
ves ' t stru SS ks . * a t first peacefully, for control of in-
tiiT 711 markets and undeveloped territory; but a
rne comes when this competition is insufficient, the
SS? ,S ? S flare U P> ^P^cabJy, and war results-
rA-^1 war comcs th e revolutionary crisis and rev-

Each r

each m

the f Uf
majorit
proletar
its

ared tha

The

natior

and th

its ov

red th;
n depc
Imper:

tided

lor

th<

war, manufa
' ^Gernt^^7sS£

acted idemka f ^S?" ""1 F^ SodaIis <*
and, with A^tmSSi :t C, S r IiSm '

nant petty bourgeois SocialSn £^' ^^
and the counter-revolution. imperialism

thJSS ^ 0Ught thS C ° llapSe 0f the international since
he most important parties of Socialism accepted nt
tionahsmand social-Imperialism. The coUaW-S
acccnH nS1St !"■ ^^ "° P revent the -ar/but in
i^oT^ f", J ' UStlfy u mg the War ' m ^ufacturing its
ideolop, declaring that an imperialistic war was in
accord with Socialism, acting to prevent proletarian
action against the war. It was betrayal of Socialism
and the proletariat. Socialism, the dominant Social-
ism, had become nationalistic and petty bourgeois a
phase of the national liberal reform movement— had
abandoned the revolutionary tasks of Socialism and
developed into a conservative and conserving factor
in the governing system of things.

Imperialism and the war had objectively intro-
duced the social-revolutionary era— and the war had
precipitated the revolutionary crisis. The policy oi
international Socialism as formulated at the Basel
Socialist Congress was that, should war eventuate, it
was the task of Socialism to use the economic and
political crisis to develop revolutionary action for the
overthrow of Capitalism. Majority Socialism argued
that; since the proletariat did not make a revolution
upon the declaration of war, there was no alternative
but to support the war, "revolution" having proven an
illusion. But this was a miserable subterfuge — it was
majority Socialism that abandoned the revolution and
the masses. Revolutionary Socialism never imagined
that the war would immediately bring a revolution;
it affirmed that the war would objectively create a
revolutionary crisis which it was the task of Sociai-

^onary action, the'proletari

wa /, against Capitalism and Imperi

Wen ^ °' min ° r im POrtana

. v ' n :cn Serbia served as the

imn.,-7 • A ^dair crisis, wl
ta j P ;^;ic; whether French

Imp^r CXploit thc r ««»rces oi

laiism should conquer the otl
■ n this imperi,

struj
Llkm.

gle against

en thc
capi

clash was
rents; thc.
had been
up at thc
Issue was dearly
or German capi-
Morrxrco, which

clcxt
ared

MASS MEETING

to demand the release of all
Political Prisoners

Sunday, January 5, 1919

at 2 p. m.
...in...

Grand Opera House

cor. Washington and Dover Sts. i

SPEAKERS:

Jacob Panken

New York Municipal Judge

Eadmonn MacAIpine

Music and Revolutionary Songs

ADMISSION* FREE
Aospicea Boston Socialist Pkrty

^? L \ rastrument of Capitalism and
agamst Sociahs™ and .the proletariat.
Tne ^ collapse of the dominant Sr^-V
n::,eraol e _ and complete in German?
Democratic Party there had been the most poierfid
orall socialist parties, the exemplar of interrn^ai
; <>c : ahsm; and the disgrace of its acceptancV'a^'
jusnncaaoD.oi an imperialistic war of conquest was
as great as its previous prestige.

sh^ rity ^^T in Ge ^^y developed into -
wwjueiess any or the government and the var T r
sent its agents to Italy to urge Socialists to compel
the government to enter the war as an ally of Gerl

S~^ " th£ French SociaIi5t J^ Gnesde
urged similar act 10 n to make Italy an allv of Frenct
Imperialism. The class characte- of SoriaiUm *7-
aoandoned. While the German proletanat was b^
slaughtered m a war of conquest, German raajoriS
bocialisnl justified the slaughter and urged the prole-
tariat to acquiesce. A certain section of German So-
cialism proclaimed boldly that Imperialism was neces-
sary or tne realization of Socialism. Majoritv Sn-
ciahsm aihed itself with the Imperial Government
and the General Staff, against Socialism and the
proletariat, allied itself with the police against groups
representing revolutionary Socialism.

_ On August 4 , 1914, the Socialist representative-
in the Reichstag, through Hugo Haase, had voted
solidly lor the war credit. But in the caucus there
had been a division, eighteen having opposed the af-
firmative action, including Karl Lieknecht ; the "partv"
discipline prevented them from voting "no" in the
Reichstag. But in December, Liebknecht voted "no"
on the credit; and this vote on a subsequent credit
grew to eighteen. In May, 1916, Hugo Haase and
others who voted against the credits were expelled
frdm the German Socialist Parliamentary group; and
in April, 1917, Haase and the growing minority with-
in the Social Democratic Party organized a new party,
the Independent Socialist Party. This partv was.
largely, against the war, not on Vevolutiona-y Social-
ist grounds, but on liberal, petty bourgeois and pacifist
grounds; Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg and
others attacked the party bitterly as not being in ac-
cord with revolutionary Socialism. The revolution-
ary Socialists organized in the Spartacus Group and
the Group Internationale, their policy being the strug-
gle for the proletarian revolution in Germany — repre-
senting the real tendency and policy of revolutionary
Socialism.

_ It was inevitable that the war should intensify So-
cialist divisions. The masses, abandoned by tbdr
unions and by majority Socialism, had to march quiet-
ly to the shambles; but as the war continued and the
crisis became more intense, the masses began to stir,
revolutionary currents developed against the war-
all of which influenced organized Socialism. The So-
cialist minority against the war developed increasing
strength everywhere; but this minority itself was di-
vided; one faction, represented by the Independent
Socialist Party in Germany and by lean Longuet in
France, was "against the war" on pacifist grounds;
it did not embrace revolutionary Sotialisn
to reconstitute the Socialist movement as
prior to August 4, 1914 — this action did
that the old movement, its immediate pv
tactics, was dead, and that thc new social
ary epoch of Imperialism required new
TLirposes and tactics: the revolutionar
igarnsl v.ar and Imperialism by mean- of j
tnd civil war. ] his revolutionary ;.-;•:
k.Fcv of the other faction, represented I v
rod 'Rosa Luxemburg i r . Germany, by 1
kferrheim in France." by most r,f rhc' Sc
taiv, by Anton Pannekoek and bis partv ;
nd others in Fnrtand. and S

; it wished
: had been
lot realize

noses and

ri in Rossi*

ar could be □
Revolution.

ggie of S

e than a

THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE

— — . __ Saturday, jfa nuary ,j t 19l9

Tschitcherin's Report to the Fifth Soviet Congress, July, 19ig

TrantlaUd from th» D« NUuwe Tijd, the Dutch left wing Socialist magazine, by B. Auerhaan.

decidedly f r j endlv ^

!L.

1

TKi
World
Revolt

polio
Revo

DURING the period that followed the signing of
the Brest-IatQvsk peace, we 6nd that our for-
eign policy developed along different lines
than those followed (hiring the first few months after
the October Revolution. (October Revolution ac-
COrdmg to the Russian calendar, is known as the: No-
vember Revolution, the proletarian revolution of No-
vember 6 and 7, to i;.) The basis of our foreign
polk-.v Since the v.ul of tot; and the beginning of]
tOiN has been a revolutionary offensive.

stej> with an immediately expected
tov which the Russian October

uive been the signal. It was espe-
cially meant to reach the revolutionary proletariat of
all countries and to arouse them to combat imperial-
!M!! - nui ll>! present capitalist system of society. (We
remind our readers that at this time until the peace of
Brest- Litovsk, not Tschitcherin, but Trotzky, was
People's Commissaire for Foreign Affairs.)

After the proletariat of other countries refused
then direct support for the destruction of revolution-
ary Russia, our foreign policy was radically changed
through the occupation of Knland, the Ukraine, the
Baltic Provinces. Poland, Lithuania and White Rus-
sia b v the armies of German-Austrian Imperialism.
In the last four months (March to June, 191S) We
were compelled to make it our object to avoid all the
dangers which menaced us from all sides and to gain
as much time as possible: in the first place, to assist
the growth of the proletarian movements in othercoun-
tries, and in the second place, to establish more firmly
the political and social ideals of the Soviet govern-
ment amongst the broad masses of the people of Rus-
sia and to bring about their united support, for the
program of the Soviets.

cialist Revolution of October. 1917, to a Successful
conclusion.

The period following the signing of the I'resl-
I.itovsk peace is characteristic because the German
offensive was not marked on the whole Eastern Front
by a distinct line. Finland and the Ukraine were free
of Soviet troops, but the masses of these parts con-
tinued the struggle. The Entene Powers withdrew
during this time their entire military support, at the
same time remaining as rulers in places from which
they should have withdrawn. As a momentary proof
that the relations between Russia and the Central
Powers was changed to ordinary peaceful relations,
we must point to the arrival of Count von Mirbaeh
(who was afterwards assassinated by Russian coun-
ter-revolutionists) in Moscow on April 23, 1918, and
the arrival of our Russian comrade, Joffe, in Berlin
on April 20, 191 S.

Concerning the former allies of Russia, we must
look upon the landing of Japanese troops in Vladivo-
stok on April 5, which landing was, nevertheless, ac-
compmed by assurances from Japan's allies that this
fact was not meant as an attempt to interfere in the
internal affairs of Russia, In the meantime a great
sect.on of the English and French press was carrying-
on propaganda for the occupation of Russia under the
slogan that such intervention was meant for the sav-
ing of Russia. But the government of the Entente
Powers adhered to a very careful policy regarding
Kussm. especially did the government of the United

America adopt

States of
tude.

The time which now followed was , m L., 1 .
with regard ,o Gen.any, The <**£&£*#
the German-Austrian armies after having n d

the whole of Finland and the Ukraine, Jf^**

The Socialism of the Left

Soviet Russia, with as yet no force sufficient to pro-

>elievabl

ened it a
its fore is.
thanks to

tions think-

especially
1 s&aHtio

own boundaries, surrounded by enemies wait-
lownfall, suffering from a period of un-
^terioration caused by the war and Czar-
ays cognizant of the dangers whieh threat-
erv step, had to be constantly vigilant in
vhcy. The policy of delay was. possible
' diversity of interest, not only of ooth co-
* iItl0ns We C-enral Powers and the Allied Powers),
;nt aiso with n each of these groups and in the respec-
tive imperialism of all the warring countries. The

!"' Mt!, ," i , n:i thC WCStern Fr ° nt (Belgium-France)
Bound the powers of both coalitions temporarily to
uch an extent that neither of the two decided to aim
<» tne direct and entire destruction of Russia.

tio " of these imperialistic groups in both coali-
1 the future, of after the war, ofi ceo-
is with Russia, with this world market
"pe tor development. This element in
>ns would preter a compromise instead of
° n Pohcv lor the sake of economic ad-
he hope to embroil Russia in the war

K,t hu!lt ll P. Plays a part in the cal-
htu»ns. The military party j n
*er an attack for the suppres-
ernment of Russia.
nent, although it had decided
because it did not strive for a
«U!C, was. nevertheless, compelled, after
litovsk. to work for armed re-
'tune to reckon with those dtr-
Sing the war parties. These

eak and we are not able to
1 our own militarv power. Th«

u' movement has not as yet
herefore our report is .1 grave
■" tabOtt( our retreat, about the

-■ make in order to jive Ru*

her feet, (0 organize her
1 the moment when the prolo

s will help us to bring the So-

,th <

would

REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISMS M in

Socialist Reconstruction. By Lo;iis C. Fraina 'The
Communist Press, New York. Price 75c, pp. 246.

This is a very interesting, suggestive and con-
structive book on present-day international and revo-
lutionary Socialism. The book is the present-day in-
terpretation of what 1 may call Socialism of the first
class for the Socialist tactics and policies of the Sec-
ond International are dead and in their places have
ansen those of the Third Iuternational-the princi-
ples and tactics promulgated and applied in Russia
by Lenin and Trotzky. with such marked success for
over a year) Fraina expounds ami analyzes the great
historic Marxian Socialism centered in the Bolshevik
government of the Russian Soviet Republic, and *

Socialism expounded in the spirit of fairness and

wtice. and interpreting the Russian Bolshevik revo-

£.on is 01 the greatest value just now. for the works

on Soc ahsm written before the Bolshevik revolution.

-d nsmce then by those of the "righr and ''cen-

the *7, V"T y n ° VaUle as m J ^erpretation of
^present and future International Socialist move-

Tie ' S Mandan and rev ^ionary to

J^;^n,ore valuable in that it deals with
»« **& oi development which is now dominant all
£"£ -rkl namely: Capitalist Imperialism a
its relation to the world proletariat.

V* an interpretation of the present economic, politi-
Uul ^ernati Wa l situation. -Revolutionary

• •— v .M.uuc, lnvadei
territory of the Soviet government and cam- f
face with Soviet troops, so that there »«*
tinuous skirmishes along the whole line of debnT'
tion and Petrograd was directly menaced t
White Guards (Finnish counter-revobtionis'ts) M
by Germans drove into the Murman territory , ,
Port Ino, the key to Petrograd. was in gra 1,
At the same time the German army cT t Lf'
n ; arch<mtl ; e Ukraine front into £,££«*
Kursk and Woronesj, into the Domnetz basin J
to the River Don. In the south the Ge^tcu
pied the Crimea and, continuing their march hZ \
the Don, attacked Batoisk (opposite Rostof i„ the d!
valley near Azof). Counter-revolutionary &L
forced their way into the Don and Kurban tiisfe
fthe western part of the north Caucasus) under th
protection of the Germans.

At last the German troops landed in the vicinity of

Sea) while the Fmmsh troops on the other side beean
their march in the Caucasus in the direction of Bab
on the Caspian Sea). This critical period was set-
ed on the Finnish frontier by an agreement between
the German and the Russian governments concerning
a basis for a treaty between Russia and Finland |
gradual relaxing of military skirmishes on the Ukraine
front was directly noticeable, caused by the beginning
o peace negotiations in Kiev between Russia and the
Herman government.

The result of our so sharply conducted political
dealing was: the retreat of that part of the Russian
fleet (the Black Sea fleet) to Sebastopol and from
there it sailed to Noworossysk (the harbor of the He-
man menaced Koeban district). The demand for the
return of this district was considered as an indispens-
able condition to territorial, as well as political and
economic relations between Soviet Russia and Ger-
man Ukraine.

Up to this moment (beginning of July, iQiS) the
most critical question seems to concern the Caucasus
and can be attended by grave ensequenecs, also the
crisis in the Don, where counter-revolutionary activity
is not yet settled. But the retreat of the fleet 'to Sebas-
topol made it possible for the mixed commission ia
Berlin to commence its work. This commission was
made up of two parts; one a financial and judicial
committee whose work consisted in planning a basis
for peaceful economic relations between Russia and
Germany ; the other, a political, committee whose task-
it was to solve the questions arising- out of the Brest-
Litovsk treaty.

A new negative moment in the relation between
Russia and her former Allies was the uprising oi the
C zeeho-Slovaks. In this case it developed that the

social
ialism"
at last

governments oi the Entente sioo„ „
who, like the Ci-eeho-Slovaks, served 1
counter-revolution in Russia.

Directly after these events followed t
Pne-hsh troops on the Murman Oast an

worker..

talist im

if tin

is the bt

come n

pitalisi
iforh

<t hook I h

a ->triek ; n

fovcrnment;

tot \ ,
will

nr \ete

\rq
uch

get

battle foi the Soei i] K
Adler. Rosa U.xemhn

Sfhi to the successful ©
tarun peace. Foi this

best .oid iiiom valuably

Socialist will re.u! au,\ v

n world
ts. The
Wars

continue,
lUSt t;iki'

" read. Peace

Put it is a
peace of the

between Capi-

nd the vlecJaratio
i'ter vent ion becoi

lements in the I

omplcte

O! tl,

md fri

diplomats the

tunnies whos

ulb relit ion

'e. and reveal

ose elements
support the

hit th.

the held of
solution, Uebkneeht, Frita
^ l e»»Oi will lead on the
inclusion of a Socialist prole-
battle Fraina's b tH >k is the
fifukle. 1 bo r c everj trt;c
■ueuute it widely,

Si \ K\T\VAM\,

•viet Commi^saire

Russia continue their StTUgJ
tinie the extraordinary shor
oi attacking Russia. Thus
the prohU-ins are that the

< : ^i upon 10 solve; w, have been careful in our de-
liberations to avoid all dangers which would lead ro
irreparable actions from the side of ou
«ftd have taken aU possible steps to bring ahoul •
peaceful solution of our difficulties with both coali-
tions.

-:*0": :/^M

^•- ■■■ ■)

SHturvW. J anuary 4, 1919

The Reconstruction Prog

|

. Tt* « : /V ^<*»««C'G> r.. in the name
A * » ' rtfnews its adherence to the

/-\ ^ points of President Wilson, proclaiming that
• »P e s race*' depends on the foi-
ls, »g pr««cjP l « s:
ist Constitution of a -1 eague of Nations"
.,■.-. ee c< ?f*n«*°n of all the people, hav-
"., ; ts ) *«p e i tin . re disappearance of all cau*-
,/\ futu e wars and the establishment of interna-
usee*

Xo economic war, which starting; in one couiv
^ will tnevita&y compel the nation in question to re-
iAo reciprocal measures in the desperation of self-
defense. The principle mercantile waterways should
be free tfl the merchantmen of all countries! under
the protection, oi the League of Nations, Xo eco-
B0B n C sm, which finally leads to the spolia-

: - working class.

jrd E ver >' section applying- a specialization of its

-;-';;- . •:' production through wise selection, conform-

..". and physical resources. The re-

ki e 5 g he at the world should be

scafe free and rapid exchanges without

iterfeience to others, « this an International Bu-

-:.:•: and Repartition of Raw Ma-

1 be created, and the internationalization

:; C lonial Domain should be affected, with a

view : '■'■ ion of al! the resources oi the

so aid ander-soil for the general welfare of hu-

• large, and for the purpose of relieving- the

naterial needs of nations.

_ i -'' repressions, based on revengeful inien-
reparation of the damages done to
: ': I reg ons,. Xo territorial annexations and
■7 :;entance of the rights of all people to self-de-
termination

ram of the French Syndicalists

Translated by Andre Courland

economic conditions. 1
^mpioynWut should
la °or organic

;th. The League of Nations, bringing forth a new
coastftutkroal jurisdiction, shall begin at once a gen-
era! disarmament 2nd bring it to a complete end."
■--. .. „; v t^jH militarism, all shades of militarism, be
defeated and m --national democracy shall triumph.

Syndical Rights

The C. G. T. for the above reasons and in order to
iefead the labor clauses that will be included in the
«acc treaty, demands an official place at the Peace
::': and demands that the peace covenants shall be
't- and public It also declares the necessity of an
Ktfernational labor congress.

meeting tfte Russian. Austrian. Hungarian. Ger-
~~ zr Revolutions the C. G. T. claims that the French
'"-""""' cy must not be inferior in its social realiza-
/' Consequently it demands the re-establishment
'" ^nstitntioDal freedom of speech and assemblage,
j suppression :, :' the censor, a complete and general
'"■- "" '--• civil and military war prisoners.

- ■"■-'"" " ~~ that labor shall no longer be accented
'''/: ' ~ [nodity to he handled at its mercy by capita 1 ,
7T* V rodustrial slavery must disappear the C. G. T.
; : _ "v 1 - l ' nt National recognization of syndical rights
r orkers and for all employees of departments,
■ «s communes and municipalities and for all the
~-<\ administration employees. It insists on the
ince and regulation of 'an international Sea-
■ and the freedom of seamen to leave their
*ery stop. The right of the syndicats to in-
labor questions must be recognized,
t 01 a national industrial scale of wages
alized to all forms of industry, by col-
wients under the supervision and control
heal organizations.
.. that the development of industrial prog-
Bd / esult ' n perfecting and modifying the took
" t T tbotis pt Production, the C G. T. proclaims
cttBttdTy^S day m industry, commerce and agn-
' ■ be not more than eight hours, that night
'- forbidden to women and adolescents un-
5 of age. Compulsory education must be
1 1 years of age.

Economic Reconstruction

on of the above principles the C G. T,

ar >^ the general demobilization and also

ljustment of war productions into peace

mcerned, the institution of a Nation-

P! c ' ouncil, '--operating with regional conn-

.." ni ^. the syndicalist organizations shall have

irect rei

8 demobilization and the return to norma!

1 evaded regions

opposes the

*t funds for idle periods and

" created under the care of

the reconstruction of the

abor movement energeti-

cally opposes the uv„„ .' OI ; niovenient cner S eti
°W Of public nusc- at ° n of , new ^rtunes mad,

Should, to theTStnJ n Umds that these w orki
the orirani^vi 'S!., P ^ S i ble .^ent be effected M

: importance

organized
administration

— effected by
bodies, including in their

« of the" Wd«e"« a i^ S qUalificd re P-

' ' 18 ye;
t ^Med 1

"collective
and

ers and consumers.

employment being assured, it is

1KHv :; ill0S ' consumers, and plants rc-

The

principal ot

advisable that the
elves

also the

, ftest principles of hygiene,
mcluding workmen's habita-

bow and open spaces for p, tic health and the physi-

vate
voluntary

entativeSj who, in harmony witn tnc
}l all determine the .general rules gov-

sanitation and astheties.
pen

cal development of children.

Future National Efforts

labor ["mi: nlace r y h th C ^ C - T - daimS f ° r or ^» ized
t^onal producttr ^ CU ° n a " d COntro1 of na ~

«SJ£S? r COr p niz:itio » m » st ^ based on the
tooU?nd n Zl dcvel °P nient of national industrial
e« \\Z \ T "f r - Vl tHe unHm ited spreading of gen-
ial and technical tree education, and to that end the

W. and the application of the best and latest

enfaons and improvements. The stimulus of nri-

tiative must not be madt an excuse for the

restriction of production, and the over-

v.orc ot the producers, the consequences of which

arc harmtnl to production itself.

Tb* :yrkva chss, therefore, shall direct the na-
t anal effort towards this end.

The ration cannot, vvithqut compromising the co l
'* C ^ :, V' n ' which she is the sole guardian, aban-

don her soc • -' it to the control of her economic
•or.s. which were created bv the labor of
past ^mentions, maintained and develooed by the
common effort. In order to secure the permanent
exercis* of this social right the nation must; !iave
complete control of all branches of production, which
from their inception to their fullest development
the protection and help of the state.

The nation shall maintain under the strictest de-
pendency all private enterprises which in addition to
th: advantages already named profit by certain powers
delegated to them by the state, county or commune.

The State Rights

If it is objectionable to have the state control ap-
plied to everything without the active and healthy as-
sistance of individual initiative, it is not less essential
to see that all the necessities of life, whether personal
or national, should be handed over to private inter-
est without then beioe required to direct their efforts
toward conformity with the interest of the people.

This rontrol. evercised in the name of the state ior
the producers and consumers, should be exerted in
the mo^t active and practical way and not in the pas-
siv: and retrospective form that is actually in use.

It must he vigorous enough to keep the mastery of
production and its values of technical developments
and conditions of labor, of wages and various insur-
ances, also of the fust repartition of nrofits above nor-
mal interest in limited dividends, including loss in-
surance.

Thus established this control will insure the func-
tio d 1 "^ of a regime of association between the state
and industry and those instances where private ini-
tiative and free competition is still permitted.

y; uC • : nt anv t : pv through the concentration of capi-
talist agreements in the field of raw materials, essen-
tial orca is of production, or any necessary product,
market values arc in danger of" being manipulated,
government control should be imposed as a means of
equilibrium between values and production. In thisjm-
an excessive fiscal taxation on monopolized products
should not aggravate the perils and abuses of private
industry making these products a menace to the na-
tional industries.

Th" economic reorganization will not produce any
effect if the nation dors not take over, maintain and
MtablWi her social right over property, over collec-
i'ches and the mean- to produce and exchange
rit,, and if she d< efi not give more and more power
[the various departments, communes, co-operatives

, Lw collective organizations to conduct their busi-
„«s in co-operation with the civil administration.
!.. hcrc qualified representatives of the producers and
consumers should sit.

But it is highly essential that at first strict mea
regarding education, prevention of disease and insur-
ance should be provided.

The security of the individual is of mor
than the security of Droperty.

In consequence nothing should be neglected to see
that soaety allows to everyone the full development
of his intellectual faculties, that it prevents die spread
if alcoholism, that by social insurance it sets a guar-
antee agamst unemployment, sickness and old age for
all members of the producing class so that it should
constantly maintain an equilibrium between their re-
sources and their means, particularly so when they
assume a larger charge by an extension of their fam-
ilies to the social profit.

Foreign Help

For alt the above reasons, the C. G. T, proclaims
that every worker, no matter what his nationality may
be,_has the right to work where he can best occupy his
activities. That every worker shall enjoy the privil-
eges and guarantees of syndicats. and also have the
right to participate personally in an official capacity in
the country where he exercises his activities.

No worker shall be expelled for his syndical or co-
operative activities.

No foreign worker shall receive lower wages or be
submitted to inferior working conditions than the
current and norriial conditions prevailing in the same
town or region and im the same occupation or spe-

That these conditions and wages should be speci-
fied in contracts between workers' syndicats and em-
ployers associations, that the immigration of workers
shall i?e organized and placed under the control of'
organizations composing representatives of national
workers' organizations as well as employers associa-
tions.

The recruiting of workers in foreign lands is not
to be permitted, unless submitted to commissions of
the lands in question, who will have to take into con-
a deration the real need of the industry or the region
and that the contracts of employment" should clearly
define the salaries and working conditions which must
be in conformity with the above prescription. The
recruiting of immigrants is to be placed under con-
trol of the working organization in the emigrating
countries, the contract execution shall be under the
same control.

In case it will be necessary to call upon colored help
the recruiting should fall under the same ruling as
that affecting European workers and they shall enjoy
the same rights and privileges.

Furthermore, the industries employing colored help
must organize, at tho> own expense and under the
control of the public service, the necessary schools
where they shall be taught to speak, read and write
the language of the country.

Labor Legislation

That the workers, injured in their work, should
receive their full salaries during their incapacity.
This to be also applied to foreign labor. That occu-
pational sickness shotdd be considered as accident
and come under the above conditions.

That every worker has a right to old ace and in-
valid pension enough to allow him to live normal-
ly. To this end pensions, having tho r base on sick-
ness, shall be instituted.

Against the High Cost of Living

To obviate the difficulties of the high cost of living
on the working class the C. G. T. declares iSiat all
tariffs and taxes on foodstuffs, on all heating and
lighting materials should be abolished.

That a public service, national, communal and co-
operative, of foodstuffs shall be organized: this office
will furnish its products without profit, thus estab-
lishing a minimum price of production equivalent to
the sale price, thus regulating the market price.

This office will be placed under the supervision or
the delegates of organized workers and consumers.

The C. G, T. declared that this is ; is minimum pro-
gram and shall be immediately put into nractice. For
this it asks the syndicalist organizations to make this
the basis of their action until complete satisfaction is
obtained.

For the C. G. T, Federal
Committee, Toutiaux Section,

THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE

rday, January 4, 1919

A White New Year

RED ia the color of the revolutionary working-
class. White is the color of the capitalist class,
in Russia, Finland, and now in Germany, the
Red Guards, composed of armed industrial workers,
fade and are making the Revolution. And in ail
<?sc countries the White Guards, made up of voluti-
ns from the capitalist class, sons of factory-owners,
university students, took up arms to
.'fend their property. And when, as in Finland, the
V'hite Guards beat the Red Guards, they slaughtered
5 workers by tens of thousands. This state of things
called the White Terror, It is much more terrible
i the Red Terror, If anyone doubts that the Gov-
nents of the Allied nations are capitalist Govem-
nls, let him remember that the Government of the
iked States protested against the Red Terror, and
t only did not protest against the White Terror in
nland, but allowed representatives of the Finnish
hite Guards freely to come to this country, while
the same time the Finnish White Guards were
ported -by German troops.

\'ot only are there White Terrors in Europe, how-

, but also in our own country. The suppression

free speech and press, the jailing of Socialists and

up ions of the working-class, the lynch ings, the

r-and- featherings, the assaults of soldiers on So-

alist meetings, the ban on the red flag in New York,

I this is called in the European Socialist press— the

•ench and Italian paper?), among others— the White

:rror in America. The whole manner of the ron-

of the war at home revealed very clearly what

I of a war it was, and for whose interest. Tim

lling of Frank iLittlc in Montana, the deportation

the copper miners in Arizona, the continued perse-

on of Tom Mooney i n San Francisco, the estab-

nerit with arbitrary powers, of White Guard or-

Sizations all over the United States— local Cotm-

O'f National Defense, American Protective

ie -all these incidents ought clearly to have

wen that, in the eyes of the capitalist class, this

anything but a "War for Democracy."

Eyery working-man, no matter how patriotic or

much tn sympathy with the war he might be,

i have been irritated at the way he was forced to

Liberty Bonds and Subscribe to the Red Gross,

lb'- alternative of losing his job. The people
$ht Middle West will not soon forget the reign oj

which wan inaugurated there by the bankers,
factory-owners and newspaper-editors during the
1 he cloud of Government and private spies
made every man, loyal or disloyal, foreigner or
sin, be careful what opinions he expressed,
IV. ■ America, fighting for liberty, or Czarist
, tlie Kaiser's Germany?
y honest and conscientious worker., however,
""'1 that all this was a necessary condition of wn.\
>reovcr, then wages were comparatively high, work
Pknty. -»"! the Government was fighting their
»« foi them When the bosses refused to listen
heii iusi grievances, couldn't the workers appeal
Wat Labor Board, where Frank Walsh wa*
powerful friend? Was not the War Luton
1; "-"'i compelling the bosses to allow organisation
and even organising the workers itself, forming com
mtitces which were empowered by the Government
to 'M wM the employers' committee? Weren't
wa « € ' (!? •'»'! conditions officially fixed by the Go\
•"<"!< m » \„d finally, the coming of thai Democratic
FWe fot which the American worMnr-class srnve tm

ieh

By John Reed

half its power, and allowed its unions to be shot to
.pieces— fence would surely mean an end to all in-
justice for the working-class.

But now that Peace has come, and instead of some
kind of Government arrangement, the working-class
discovers to its astonishment that the United States
Government has no plan of reconstruction. Govern-
ment contracts are cancelled overnight, throwing
thousands out of work. Union organizations are de-
stroyed, and the employers of labor intend to see that
they remain so. Labor itself, leanings the promises
of Sam Gompers and President Wilson and Frank-
Walsh, suddenly wakes up to find that it has no plan
of reconstruction, and is in a worse condition than it
was before the war. The only class of people who
have a plan of reconstruction are the employers of
labor, factory-owners, bankers— the active capitalists.
•And their plan is simple. The open shop-even the
old Unions destroyed ; and the breaking down of the
slender frame-work built up by the War Labor Board

1 lie workers of Bridgeport, the workers of Bethle-
hem, are now witnessing the discharge, not only of all
active Union men, but also of members of the work-
ers' committees instituted by the United States Gov-
ernment's War Labor Board. In these days, and in-
creasingly as the days go on, it is clearly seen that the
patriotism of the capitalist class only lasts as far ay
its profits.

Out in Arizona the detectives and hangers-on of the
Copper Mine owners who deported striking miners—
a great majority of them A. R of L. members— these
rich men and their paid thugs, who deliberately broke
the law arid spat on the Constitution, have been ac-
quitted. Does any American worker now doubt the
innocence of Tom Mooney, or the filthy crookedness
of the California court and District Attorney which
convicted him? The President of the United States
sent a commission to California to investigate the
Mooney case, and (his commission demanded a new-
trial for Mooney- -and vet lis is sent to prison for life
And the 1. W. W. leaders, sent up for terrible terms
because of their alleged pro-Germanism, when not a
'•hied of evidence against them was ever brought into
court, And Eugene Debs, sentenced to Leu years, and
Rose Pastor Stokes, and all the brave men and women
Who dared tell the truth when it was dangerous, and

n0W M,n "" r '» ' ,m " fl h it difficult to guess why

1% were punished? While at the same time the
graftcrg who looted government contracts, the profi-
teers -how many of them can vol, think of who are
now servinK jail terms? With such clear demonstra-
tions 1.^0 re them, Imw i. it possible for American
worker* to believe thru Labor could ever get a square

deal after the war?

Thc °W-fcsliioner| individualistic American work.
111,111 " ;u v ' "Well, what aboul ii ? Debs and Rose
I'astoi Stoke* are Socialists; the f, \y. W.'s are anar-
,,,M ' Moon?) well, Uompers and President Wii-
'"" u ' lH "' Llm < lie ^ets treated right. And besides,
h ' ' "'' ■' member of nu Union. All that isn'i my oi'
my business."

iill! l! " caplinliai doesn't talk thai waj He says;
' ' f 1°«'« '■■"" whfti they call themselves, They're
wemben of the working-class, and they've got dan
'"' n ' n ulrA [ '■'<"'i let them corrupt ib,- contented
work< i i,'' ( npitalists tick together, And they treat
!l,! ' working-clas ns one class In the Pittsburgh dis-
n '< !llr "tecl wor'kei are forbidden to organise, When
tin?) wnm in hold m meeting for the workers It is al

most impossible for them to get a hall. And
they succeed in getting a hall, the company detect!
and the police line the street for a block in every _
tion, and take down the names of the men who ;
going to the meeting; and next morning, those :
are fired, . . .

The capitalist class controls the American Govern-
ment. Even Woodrow Wilson pointed that out in
The New Freedom. The working-class supports them
in power by voting for the Republican and the Demo-
cratic parties. Controlling the Government, natural-
ly the capitalist class makes the laws, apd makes the
laws for itself. But even then the capitalists do no*,
obey these laws, when it goes against their interest.
Only the working-class obeys laws; it has to, for the
police and the army are on the other side.

And yet the working-class not only composes the
army and the police, but also turns every wheel and
swings every tool in the country. If the working-
class were to stop work, altogether, for even a few
days, the control of the capitalist class in Ame:
could be shaken to its roots. If they voted their <
candidates into public office, and passed their .
laws, and then threatened to lay down their tools i
less those laws were obeyed, America would belc
to the workers, as it ought to belong to them.

Not only, however, does Organized Labor
America fight all other organizations, but the differ*
craft Unions fight each other, pay little attention to
each other's grievances, and sometimes even scab on
each other. This is what is desired by the capitalist
Class, who, when the craft Unions become too strong
for them, secretly support them against Industrial
Union propaganda; it must not be forgotten that the
capitalists arc always struggling to get back to the
Open Shop. . . ,

in international affairs, today, the issue is beauti-
fully dear. Soviet Russia is a Union on strike
dangerous kind of Union, an industrial Union.
Governments Of the Allied countries are trying,
< verf means possible, to break that strike. Arm.
of French, British, Japanese and American soldie
are in Vrchangel and Vladivostok, The Labor raw
"tents of the Allied countries feel sympathy with i
great Russian strike— but, after all. Russia "does.
belong to our Union"— or else. "Those Russians
J u *t a bunch of anarchists."'

They like the German Revolution a good deal bet-
ter. It is more "orderly." Of course this Bbcrt
Schcklemann are Socialists, hut, at the same tin
they seem to be pretty "sensible" guys. So runs I
thought of the old-fashioned Union "man.
' J »i the Capitalists also like the German Revolution

Htar newspapers show every day hew anxious the;

■'"<■ thai the Bbert-Scheidcmann Government sh
continue in power, The reason is dear; the Eber
Scheidemann Government promises that "all the pa
pie" shall be represented, It stands for "democracy
- -thai same "democracy* 1 we have, under which To

Mooney goes tO jail for fife, and I he Arizona copj.v
kings get OfT without, any punishment; under whic
the steel kings in Pittsburgh won't permit their nrn
even to attend a Labor meeting, and the machinist;

of Bridgeport are re classified

There is bin one alternative to this: Industrie
Unions, the Socialist Party, the genera] strike and
Later Democracy, In which those who do all the work
shall have all the power

I'luii U will be a Red \" C u Year